Divergence and Unification in Shinkage-ryū

Over the last two years, Inner Dharma has gone through some changes. Many of the shorter essays have been taken down as I made time to rework them into longer form. I am happy to report some progress on that front.

Last year, an essay I wrote was published at Kogen Budo:

• General Qi Jiguans's Jixiao Xinshu and Reflections on Claims of Martial Virtue.

Subequently, I reworked a number of short essays into a longer article in four parts, continuing the discussion I began in the work above. I am happy to say it now also is published:

• Divergence and Unification in Shinkage-ryū.

Part one is about archaic practices, and how people might be fooling themselves if they think to recreate the past through a devotion to martial arts. Part two examines what might be left, taking a realistic view. Its thesis on some level was that we need to take care to keep our practice based in the reality and dangers of edged weapons, if we say we practice methods of using a sword. Part three was a reflection on what practice might then mean, and how it can still have value, if it is not archaic recreation or self-indulgence. Part four concluded on how practice can relate to more important matters, such as developing and maintaining peace of mind amongst chaos, even as one might leave a practice behind.

My deep thanks to Ellis Amdur for his continued interest in these topics and his valuable feedback as an editor.

Addendum

This work has generated some positive conversation with colleagues, and I wanted to share some additional thoughts, beyond what I wrote above.

In the case of Jikishinkage-ryu, Yamada Ippusai (7th headmaster) reformulated the curriculum of the art into what is believed to be its current form. That process limits our ability to draw clear connections with other surviving lines of Shinkage-ryū, but in the article I did my best to highlight some examples where analysis is possible.

One important feature of Jikishinkage-ryu is that its body mechanics in non-standard (e.g., no emphasis on half-frontal hanmi kamae, the use of ritualistic unpo walking methods). I find that to likely be an example of Chinese influence. In some Beijing area martial arts (Taiji in Beijing, Bagua, Xingyi) surviving to this day, the hips are often made square and there are introductory walking practices before one builds up to more complicated movements.

I am guessing Ogasawara used a heavy field o-naginata or heavy nagamaki in his own practice and that as those became less common, the Furibo was adopted as a cheaper, easier to make, implement for training. I think once they started making the furibo, making big heavier furibo is relatively easy to do, and then the practice turned into a caricature of itself. I think likely in the early Edo period, people might have used large naginata/nagamaki, but that fell out of practice as those implements became less common.

The son of Namiki Yasushi maintains that the purpose of furibo training is to make a heavy object (the furibo) feel light, so that you can make a light object (the sword) feel heavy (i.e., when it cuts). So, I think the goal is not extreme, raw, power, but rather the ability to generate a coordinated power that is very specific. Sometimes in Chinese martial arts this is called "developing a frame" or developing jin (cultivated or trained force), rather than raw power or strength. Then a question is how one uses that new ability; there a lot of the specific tactics or approaches of an art come into play.

I am reminded by a sempai at the Hobyokan that Ogasawara was said to have brought back to Japan a gokui called hassun no nobegane. This article and addendum will not speculate what that might be.

I want to remind readers (see an earlier essay here that provides additional detail) that the current set of famous internal martial arts (Bagua, Taiji, Xingyi) likely post-date Ogasawara's time in Beijing. We know Kage-ryu arrived in China in the 16th century, from waka (privateers) who practiced Aisu Kage-ryu, and both teachings and written documents influenced the famous Jixiao Xinshu written by general Qi Jiguang. The concept of bajiquan, for example, is mentioned in that work but the art of that name is likely dating from the early 17th century. In the case of xingyi, practice was developed from explicit spear methods. In the case of baji, the empty hand art merged with a separate weapons art called Liuhe Qiang (six harmonies spear), which became Baji spear. Arts like Taijiquan are said to be influenced from General Qi's work, many Taijiquan postures can be found in that manual. Taiji also is likely developed during the 17th century (earlier lineage members are conflated with family lineages, which are well recorded and available from birth registry practics).

If you read through Secrets of Itto-ryu volume I, by Sasamori Junzo, it mentions a story of Itto Itosai defeating a strong Chinese warrior with a halberd in a duel, and that Chinese at the time were known for their strength.

Jikishinkage-ryu students know Ogasawara went to Beijing/China, and we know why on some level (in terms of having double-crossing Tokugawa Ieyasu and needing to flee). But WHY? Why not some sacred mountain outside Kyoto, or Dewa, or Mie, etc.? What connection did Ogasawara have to people outside Japan that made it an idea to travel to in the first place? I wonder if he studied Taosim or was part of a group that had interactions in both China and Japan, where he was able to go to China not on a lark or without any knowledge of what he would find there, but to go visit people he knew.

That, however, is idle speculation. I hope, regardless of some flights of fancy, my essay will be of lasting interest.